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Home Government Spending & Your Money Waste & Watchdogs

GAO: Billions in Pandemic Relief Unaccounted For — Texas’s Share

Liz Wanja by Liz Wanja
May 9, 2026
in Waste & Watchdogs
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GAO building

ajay_suresh / Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 2.0)

When the Texas Workforce Commission was racing to pay unemployment claims during the pandemic, the volume was staggering — and so was the fraud that came with it. The state paid out tens of billions in jobless benefits in a matter of months, and criminals followed the money. Years later, federal watchdogs are still tallying how much pandemic-era money across the country went to the wrong people, in the wrong amounts, or with documentation too thin to confirm where it went. For Texans, the question is not abstract. A share of that loss came out of programs that Texans paid into and depended on.

This article explains what the Government Accountability Office has found about improper federal payments, how much of the problem traces back to pandemic-era programs, and what the public record does and does not show about Texas’s specific slice. Where a precise Texas figure is not available, this piece says so rather than inventing one.

The federal watchdog’s findings

The GAO reports each year on “improper payments” — money the government sent in the wrong amount, to the wrong recipient, or without adequate documentation. The agency’s improper-payments work has flagged hundreds of billions of dollars across the federal government, with the bulk concentrated in a handful of large programs: Medicaid, Medicare, the Earned Income Tax Credit, and unemployment insurance. Crucially, the GAO is careful to note that “improper” is not the same as “fraudulent.” Some improper payments are outright theft; many are errors, eligibility mistakes, or simply payments the agency could not fully document.

A large portion of the recent totals traces back to the pandemic. When emergency programs pushed money out the door at unprecedented speed, verification steps were skipped, and the losses are still being recovered and counted. The GAO has repeatedly warned that the figures rest heavily on agency self-reporting, which means the programs with the weakest controls may be the least visible in the data — a caveat worth keeping in mind before treating any single number as the final word.

Unemployment fraud: the pandemic’s clearest legacy

The program where the pandemic loss is best documented is unemployment insurance. The U.S. Department of Labor’s Office of Inspector General has estimated that more than $100 billion in pandemic-era unemployment benefits nationwide may have been paid improperly, much of it to fraudulent claimants using stolen identities or filing in multiple states. The Labor Department’s pandemic oversight page tracks that work.

Because unemployment insurance is administered by the states, Texas’s experience is part of that national figure — and Texas’s piece is unusually well documented. The Texas Workforce Commission has reported that it paid roughly $411 million in benefits on tens of thousands of claims later determined to be imposter fraud during the height of the pandemic, a sum it has described as well under one percent of the total benefits it paid. The agency has also said its fraud-detection systems blocked billions of dollars in additional fraudulent claims before they were paid. The commission’s unemployment fraud resources describe its detection and recovery efforts.

What “Texas’s share” really means

Here the record demands honesty. The federal government does not publish a single, clean figure labeled “Texas’s share of unaccounted pandemic relief.” Pandemic relief flowed through dozens of programs — unemployment, Medicaid, small-business loans, rental assistance, and more — each administered differently and audited on its own timeline. Some, like the Texas unemployment fraud figure above, are documented at the state level. Others, like Medicaid improper payments, are reported nationally without a tidy Texas breakout that isolates pandemic-era losses.

So the responsible statement is this: Texas, as the second-most-populous state, accounts for a meaningful portion of national pandemic-relief spending and therefore of the associated losses — but no official source pins it to one number, and any specific “Texas lost $X in unaccounted relief” claim should be treated with skepticism unless it cites a primary document. Texans who want to trace federal pandemic dollars into the state can use USAspending.gov, which logs federal awards by recipient and location, including the COVID-19 spending tracker.

The distinction between “unaccounted for” and “stolen” matters here as well. When an agency cannot fully document where money went, the GAO classifies the payment as improper by default — but that does not establish that the money was wasted or defrauded. Some of it reached eligible recipients with incomplete paperwork; some was genuinely lost; some was stolen. The honest reading of the watchdog reports is that a large amount of money cannot be confirmed as properly spent, not that a precise sum was confirmed missing. That nuance is easy to lose in a headline, and Texans evaluating claims about pandemic spending should hold onto it.

Why the money is hard to claw back

Once improper payments go out, recovering them is slow and partial. Historically, the government recovers only a small fraction of total improper-payment losses. Fraudulent unemployment claims paid to identity thieves are especially hard to recoup, since the money often left the country or moved through accounts that no longer exist. The GAO has recommended better data-sharing between agencies — including consistent use of the Social Security Administration’s death records and cross-state checks for duplicate unemployment claims — but implementation has been uneven.

For the honest claimant, the recovery effort can cut the other way. The Texas Workforce Commission has also clawed back overpayments from legitimately unemployed Texans who were paid too much through no fault of their own, sending repayment notices that surprised households. That is a separate problem from fraud, but it is part of the same untidy aftermath of a benefits system that moved enormous sums under emergency conditions.

Texans who receive an overpayment notice they believe is wrong are not without recourse. The Texas Workforce Commission has an appeals process, and a claimant can request a waiver in certain circumstances where repayment would cause hardship and the overpayment was not the claimant’s fault. The agency’s own guidance describes how to dispute an overpayment determination and the deadlines for doing so. Anyone who gets such a notice should read it carefully and respond within the stated window rather than ignore it, since unaddressed overpayments can grow with penalties and interest.

Two bills: the national debt and the state’s trust fund

The cost of improper pandemic payments lands on taxpayers in two ways. Federal losses add to the national debt, whose interest every taxpayer ultimately helps service. And state-level fraud, like the roughly $411 million in confirmed Texas unemployment-imposter losses, can pressure the trust funds that finance future benefits — funds Texas employers replenish through payroll taxes, a cost that filters into wages and prices.

Watch the primary sources rather than the headline figures. The GAO’s improper-payments reports, the Labor Department Inspector General’s pandemic work, and the Texas Workforce Commission’s own fraud disclosures are where the verifiable numbers live. They show a real and large problem — and they show, just as clearly, that a precise “Texas’s share” of the broader improper-payment total is harder to state than a confident headline might suggest.

This article was produced with AI assistance and reviewed by a human editor. Figures are linked to their primary sources; where a claim could not be verified from the public record, we say so.

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Liz Wanja

Liz Wanja

Wanja is a finance graduate with a keen interest in U.S. politics, markets, and current events. With a background in financial analysis and economics, she brings an analytical perspective to reviewing and publishing content on federal spending, fiscal policy, and market trends.

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